AFROMUPAZ has a slightly completely different method to younger generations. For these women, it is about making certain that the children of displaced women do not continue to suffer ongoing violence, be this institutional or structural racism, or battle-associated violence. During an organisation-broad meeting, Urrutia was as soon as moved to tears when discussing the trauma expressed by children of members. “It can’t be a child’s role to get up to be sturdy every day… they should be children,” she said .
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In this sense, mobilisation during the armed conflict offered a prism to assess the methods in which violence in opposition to Afro-Colombian women was greater than simply a question of conflict-related violence. Indeed, it was based in historic, colonial legacies of racism.
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Some were born in Bogotá, whereas others suffered displacement from different elements of the nation. The group describes itself as a group of “activists, empowered female warriors who display braveness and tenacity” .
Here, women come every single day to have interaction within the organisation’s small businesses; they make magnificence merchandise, sew clothes, and bake desserts. They have a nursery the place they will depart their children and are offered a hot lunch daily. While the members of AFROMUPAZ don’t generate a wage but, on the time of research they hoped to expand their companies so that they not have to seek casual employment outdoors the organisation as nicely. One of the case studies for my doctoral research focused on the organisation AFROMUPAZ, the Asociación de Mujeres Afro por la Paz.
The group was based in 2000 by Urrutia, has about 70 members, and relies in Usme, a suburb of southern Bogotá. The members of AFROMUPAZ are displaced women from the Pacific coast, and all of them have survived episodes of conflict-associated violence and a number of displacements. The Afro-Colombian women interviewed all through my research have experienced both conflict-associated and publish-Accord acts of violence. For example, in 2010, lengthy after being displaced, María Eugenia Urrutia was kidnapped from the AFROMUPAZ workplace in Usme by different paramilitaries and was taken, with her cousin , to the town of Mosquera.
Matamba members are nicely aware that other generations of women have been lively in Bogotá for many years, and that they’ve “enabled many other younger women to mobilise as properly” . They readily respect that they are able to pursue the methods they do due to the groundwork set by the earlier era. Moreover, given these linkages with older women, in addition they contemplate it necessary to connect with younger generations as nicely. They maintain workshops with younger Afro-Colombian girls in marginalised neighbourhoods in the city, focusing on topics like sexual education and consent, in addition to preserving Afro tradition. On the other hand, the Colectiva Matamba Acción Afrodiaspórica (Matamba Afro-Diasporic Action Collective) is an organisation of thirteen younger Afro-Colombian women based mostly in Bogotá.
Beyond this, AFROMUPAZ presents a social security net for displaced women. The organisation has a house in Usme, a poor neighbourhood in the south of Bogotá.
Beyond this, it has aimed to start a conversation concerning the “tomorrows of violence” in Colombia,. Although AFROMUPAZ and the Matamba Collective’s strategies, and even their defined ‘end columbian girls objectives’, are completely different, there is a shared understanding of a pursuit of gender justice that critically consists of race.
Although most of AFROMUPAZ members’ children have been born in Bogotá, the organisation worries about ongoing trauma and racism that extends beyond the battle context. Such violence, for AFROMUPAZ, is clearly linked to ongoing patterns of racism and racist violence in Bogotá. What unites the two organisations, nevertheless, is the significance that each place on the role of intergenerational exchange, including when difficult patterns of structural racism.
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Originally from the Pacific Coast, Luz was certainly one of many individuals who have been internally displaced as a result of exceptional violence within the 80s. With spectacular resilience, she started her stitching enterprise in Medellín seven years ago to offer for her two teenage children and 8-year-old nephew. Her dream is to ultimately buy a house for her household.
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The women of AFROMUPAZ, then, mobilised inside this battle context, but additionally in the publish-battle second in order to shine a light on the extra challenges confronted by Afro-Colombian victims of the conflict. Auyero expands on this in his work about contentious identities; even after revolts subside, protestors consider these episodes in personal phrases – “their lives have radically changed” . Importantly, many of the Bogotá-born daughters of displaced individuals in AFROMUPAZ commented all through the day how important it was for them not to neglect their roots. Particularly given ongoing dynamics of violence, they draw inspiration from their “moms, aunts, and grandmothers” who are the descendants of cimarronas, escaped slaves. This name again to the colonial era as soon as once more spotlight the understanding that though structural and gendered racism was made visible through the armed battle, it still exists in the post-battle moment.
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Both generations of Afro-Colombian women recognise that an intersectional inclusion of Black women needs to be thought-about when speaking about holistic and lasting views of security – and equality more broadly – in Colombia. This paper has noted that the Colombian conflict disproportionately impacted Afro-Colombian women, but that elements of this violence has its roots in structural racism that both predates and outlives the armed conflict itself. The Matamba Collective, whose members for the most part didn’t undergo violence during the armed battle itself, mobilise against the structural racism that was highlighted and addressed by women like these in AFROMUPAZ. Activism is conveyed by way of the generations given the transversality of structural and gendered racism beyond the bounds of the conflict/submit-conflict moment.
